Sandy
Hooks Elementary School: 27 killed, one injured.
Orlando,
Florida: 49 killed, 58 injured.
Las
Vegas: 59 killed, over 500 injured.
In
the wake of each tragic mass shooting resurrects the contentious question of
gun control. Following the Las Vegas shooting, Kentucky Governor Matt Bevin
posted on Twitter, “To all those political opportunists who are seizing on the
tragedy in Las Vegas to call for more gun regs…You can’t regulate evil.”
Most
of the Republican Party seems to be in agreement. Republican Senator Mike Lee,
Utah: “There is an absence of certain proof as to the efficacy of gun ownership
laws in the past.” Arizona Senator John McCain says, “To think that somehow gun
control is the answer, in my view, that would have to be proved.”
And
they’re right; the research is lacking. But not the research supporting gun
control – I mean gun research in general.
In
relation to mortality, gun violence is the least researched cause of death and
second least funded cause of death, behind falls. It’s true, gun violence
research is given only barely more federal funding than drowning, and
drastically less than motor vehicles, which cause close to the same number of
deaths.
So
why the gap in funding?
It
started with one research paper. In 1993, the New England Journal of Medicine published a study by Arthur
Kellerman, funded by the Center for Disease Control, with controversial
results. The study found that gun ownership, rather than protect the owner from
criminals, was actually “strongly and independently” associated with increased
risk of homicide by family member or intimate acquaintance. In response to the
study, the National Rifle Association attempted the only logical course of
action: shut down the CDC’s Center for Injury Prevention, which researches how
to prevent falls, vehicle crashes, and homicides. In other words, shoot the
messenger. After failing to shut down an entire branch of the CDC, the NRA
instead championed the Dickey amendment, named after its author, Republican
congressman Jay Dickey. This amendment prohibits the CDC from spending any
federal funds to “advocate or promote gun control,” which seems innocuous. No
federal funding should be used to advocate legislative action. However, this
clause was accompanied by the forced movement of the CDC’s $2.6 million gun
violence research budget to another unit, sending a clear message to scientists
– hands off the issue. Dr. Kellerman, author of the controversial paper, wrote,
“Precisely what was or was not permitted under the clause was unclear. But no
federal employee was willing to risk his or her career or the agency's funding
to find out.”
The
Dickey amendment has since been reauthorized yearly in Congress, and in effect
has shrunk the CDC’s firearm injury prevention funding to 96% its original state.
Even outside federal funding, researchers hoping to secure private funds for
nonpartisan scientific research into gun violence must avoid the words “gun” or
“firearm” for fear of backlash. This serves to demonstrate the reach of the
looming shadow of the NRA on the public health research community. In fact, in
2011 the New York Times reported the
CDC would request that the researchers it funds give them a “heads-up” before
they publish studies relating to firearms. Then, as a courtesy, the CDC would
pass on this information to the NRA.
It
is perhaps not entirely accurate to portray the NRA as a hulking beast,
bullying timid scientists to preserve its public image. The NRA absolutely
recognizes the lethal dangers of firearms, but it sees the problem not as a
public health issue, but a criminal justice one. The NRA believes in the
capability of law enforcement to deal with gun violence, and fears the
potentially partisan approach of scientists may influence their research.
However,
without the facts required to debate reasonably, Republicans and Democrats
alike are stuck in an endless argument. Republicans will rant about their right
to bear arms and the security their guns give them; Democrats will point to
homicide after homicide and lecture about the need for gun control to stop the
violence, but in the end neither side has proof to back up their arguments. This
isn’t an issue of liberal versus conservative; it’s an issue of fact versus
fiction.
Meanwhile,
we could have had scientists solving these problems decades ago. What small
amounts of research exists is already instrumental in determining the
effectiveness of gun control policies. For example, multiple studies found that
child access prevention laws, which mandate guns be stored in safe firearm
storage out of sight of children and penalizes those who disobey, effectively
reduce unintentional deaths of children. However, the 1994 US ban on assault
weapons (considered a major victory for Democrats) was found to have no
association with reduced homicide in 15 different states.
Through
this sort of research, we can weed out what gun control legislations work, and
which are ineffective, without infringing overmuch on the average man’s right
to bear arms. Even Jay Dickey came to this conclusion. In the years before his
death, Dickey came to regret his role drafting the Dickey amendment, and
appeared in multiple interviews, newspaper columns, and editorials, testifying
against the legislation. He even authored a piece in collaboration with Mark
Rosenburg, director of the CDC’s Center for Injury Prevention during the time
of the scandal, to emphasize the importance of gun control research today.
Dickey likens the research to the development of barricades on interstate
highways following intense scientific research, which have severely reduced the
number of head-on collisions and saved countless lives.
And
here lies the flaw in the argument, “Guns don’t kill people; people kill
people.” After all, cars don’t kill people, bad drivers kill people, but we can
still identify the issues with the car and the driving system, research control
measures, and implement a solution that doesn’t
require everyone to walk to work in the mornings. In the same way, it’s
possible to research gun control measures and make an educated decision to save
lives without taking away people’s right to own firearms.
Senator
Marco Rubio: “There’s just no evidence that gun laws would prevent these
shootings.”
He’s
right. Now let’s fix that issue.
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